The concept of codification is an important
aspect of modern administrative and legal function. Arjun Appadurai critically
analyzes this element during his attempt to understand conflict during the colonial
period. Here I will be addressing the issues discussed in the chapter “From
Bureaucracy To Judiciary 1826-1878” of the book “Worship and Conflict Under
Colonial Rule: A South Indian Case” which deals with the period from 1841 to
1878 in the history of Sri Parthasarathi
Swami Temple.
1841 is considered as a turning point in the
story of Sri Parthasarathi Swami
Temple as the Court of Directors of East Indian Company decided to withdraw all
interferences with ‘native’ religious establishments. Appadurai credits the
missionary lobbies in India, as well as in the English press and Parliament, for
influencing the withdrawal of British bureaucracy from the
"patronage" of ‘native’ religious institutions. British bureaucracy
withdrew from all activities of temple management and dispute resolution,
leaving the judiciary to maintain peace and to resolve the disputes which arise
with relation to the temple.
In the process of severing its connection from
the temple British government dropped two out of four payments which they were
making to the temple. These were compensation for taxes on shops and carts in
the temples vicinity, previously collected by the temple but interrupted in
1832 and the makamai allowance, in
compensation for certain taxes on sea and land customs, which had been assigned
to the temple in the eighteenth century through the influence of native dubashis
who were also temple mangers. The continuation of the other payments to the
temple meant that severing of connection was not complete. In 1857 attempt was
made to force the temple trustees to choose lands in lieu of the cash tastik
(so as to aid bureaucratic disengagement) which was also not successful.
Collector of Madras was assigned the task of
systematic withdrawal of the bureaucracy from the temple related activities. In
the process, three trustees were selected and as for the selection of the
successors were concerned he made a statement saying;
“The selection of a trustee on the occurrence
of a vacancy may be left to the suffrage of the community of the Tengala sect
as has heretofore been customary on the occasion of the appointment of a
Dharmakarta.”
While ratifying the order for the appointment
of the three trustees board implicitly rejected the collector's suggestions
with the statement that the government was considering legislation that would
provide a standard for judging various claims to the vacancy, but as the time
goes on this comment by the board would be forgotten and Collector’s suggestion
becomes the dictum for all the discourse surrounding the claim towards the
trusteeship. This suggestion gain prominence when in 1847 when then collector of
madras reiterated the words for the Collector of 1843.
In 1863 through legislation government enabled
the creation of Native District Committees to oversee temples within their
jurisdictions. In 1865 there was a move toward creating committee to oversee
the Triplicane temple, consisting of Tenkalais,
Vatakalais, and Smarta Brahmins.
Along with this resistance also took shape against this suggestion,
anti-committee group referred to the 1843 dictum and its 1847 reiteration as a
charter for Tengala control over the
temple.
In 1875 conflicts came out of the oblivion
once again with the death of one of the trustees and the attempt of other two
trustees to make the son of the deceased trustee his successor. The surviving trustees
claimed that their selection the dead trustee's son was by the suffrage of the Tengala Community and It was also argued
that the previous practice had been for the surviving trustees to appoint a
successor from among the heirs or the nearest male relations of the departed
person. They also pointed out to the government no interference in 1846
succession issue as an assent to their authority to appoint the successor. They
went on to argue that;
"In the event of leaving the selection
itself to the community of such a large populous place it was to be apprehended
that the selection would not be likely to fall upon a proper person considering
the transition state of the Hindu society as well as the anxiety prevailing
generally among all ranks of the Hindu community especially among those in
opulent and influential circumstances to get into the management of such a rich
and reputed Pagoda and the consequent facility for the latter to canvas votes.”
The people who were against this appointment
of hereditary nature argued that argued
that attempt to nominate the son of the deceased trustee is done with an agenda
to make their place hereditary. In countering the trustee’s argument which
based the appointment on the tradition they argued that that the selection and
nomination of new trustees had always been made by the Tengalai community and there never existed hereditary rights to the
trusteeship. They accused that people who supported the appointment of the new
trustee as being not concerned members with the temple community or the relatives
of the proposed candidate. On the other hand opposition retaliated.
The most important point to taken from this is
common ground they had which was the acceptance of collector's dictum of 1843
according to which trustees was to be appointed
based on the suffrage of the community of the Tengala, this was accepted to be customary. Appadurai argues that withdrawal of the
British administration from the temple related issues were the inevitable
outcome of the separation of executive and judiciary under British rule. He
also put forward the proposition that the tendencies of British bureaucracy
towards codification lead to the disruption in the local harmonizing process
and this problem was made acute by the reluctance of British bureaucrats to
arbitrate temple disputes.
Akhil Bharathan O
HS09H002
The difference between the concepts of custom and law, as has been discussed in class earlier, are of prime importance in light of the discussion regarding the schism between bureaucracy and judiciary. However, another interesting angle to this quandary would be that of sheer jargon. Jargon used by the law, and jargon familiar to the natives. An illustration of the confusion a sheer 'word' can generate is best exemplified by the term 'embezzlement'. Appadurai, in Chapter 3, uses this particular example in the context of the brewing troubles between Vadakalis and Tenkalis. Due to the blurring of fine lines that define and differentiate one legal term from another, most cases - be it land-grabbing, improper redistribution in the temple, arbitrary decision making - would be termed as a 'case of embezzlement' by the petitioners. Appadurai doesn't TELL, as much as he SHOWS, through this little anecdotal illustration, the varying perspectives on both sides of the tunnel.
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