Wednesday, 9 November 2011

Effects of British Involvement in Bureaucracy and Temple Culture

In understanding the colonialism from a cultural point of view surrounding the Sri Parthasarathy temple, we have seen till now how the temple culture have evolved and simultaneously how the conflicts were taking its shape, this chapter would essentially look into the intricacies of the conflicts and this post would throw light from a period from 1826-1840.

The temple had been largely a self regulating institution, but its incapability to arbitrate its own conflicts in terms of temple property, material inputs and people had invited the state to interfere itself in the temple affairs. The British bureaucratic involvement had reached its zenith, and gradually withdrew itself. The chapter basically looks into the new connotations that were attached to the term Tenkalai as a local socio-political category that designated the political constituency of the temple. While examining the British involvement in the logic of this development, three process play a lead role, which are i) exacerbation of the temple conflict resulting due to directness of the British bureaucratic control, ii) the transformation of the pre-existing tensions in the British ideology of “protection” or “subordination”, iii) the beginning of a new sectarian politics.

The argument establishing the causal relation between the expanded British control and exacerbation of temple conflict can be disintegrated into these different issues:

  • · The turmoil around the Mirasi rights issue, the contradiction between the “extractive” function of British rule through abrogation of economic rights and “investive” function of British rule to preserve the stability of society through guaranteed economic rights. This dual objective of the same system led to a “codification” of local rights and privileges which was necessarily both arbitrary and stimulative of conflict.
  • · This loosened rights and privileges initiated disputes over honours and shares in the temple processes and proceedings for many interest groups.
  • · The extended govt control leading to an altered cash flow of the temple’s local capacity, reducing its economic autonomy. And finally
  • · The capacity of the dharmakartha to arbitrate redistributive conflicts was diminished because of lack of an obligation to a legitimate authority, the court.

The second kind of British involvement which created a tension was between its methods of interference versus that of self sufficiency. By 1840 the British bureaucracy’s wish to protect the temple was extended to a control of the temple leading to graver conflicts which could not be arbitrated. The conflicts regenerated itself at all levels of bureaucracy and neither the accusation of misappropriation was eliminated nor there was any attempt to shift the conflicts to court. Thus the tension between the objectives of protection and subordination had not disappeared; even if it was not so evident it was more or less systematized.

The inception of the new sectarian politics was the final process and outcome of the British involvement. The schism between the Tenkalai and Vatakalai sects are quite age old over the issue of control of temple. However during this period apparently the Tenkalai had de facto control over the temple ritual and management. It’s in the context of above mentioned forms of British involvement that the idea of Tenkalai monopoly of temple control had taken root in the interaction between changing native self description (as Mirasi Servants, Ghosty Brahmins, Nadars etc) and the British bureaucratic formalization. Nevertheless the term Tenkalai has remained essentially contrastive with (i.e. Vatakalai) claims and pretensions.

The British involvement had resulted in these many changes in the temple culture, which does not really end with these, rather continues to manifest itself in different forms. The arguments in the book “Worship and Conflict under the colonial rule “are a result of combination of ethnographic fieldwork and archival research. An enquiry into how these discourse analysis and conclusions of participant observer would coincide with the reality requires attention. A discourse analysis might have the risk of being subjected to alteration due to interpretation. The conclusion of a participant observer is also not devoid of alterations either; ideology of observer, problem of recollection etc would further affect their representation of reality. But a method of “thick description” which is not merely factual but theoretical as well as analytical research would give us a description of culture, context, especially a relation of conflict between the temple culture( by which I meant all those people who are related to the temple) and the Britishers. The readers of the story would tend to generate a more empathetic and experiential understanding of the situation and this is essentially the positive of a qualitative research like the thick description.

3 comments:

  1. This comment is kind of a reflection of the discussion we had in the class about custom and law. The relationship between custom and law is highly problematic and takes various forms. custom might be informing the law, it might resist the law or it becomes the law. Here, what happens is the conflict between customs of the temple and laws imposed by the British in the temple.

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  2. Exactly. And why does the conflict arise? Is it a matter of mere incomprehension or a deeper issue of perspective? One can trace the stench of Eurocentric paradigms used - in the form of formal institutions, codification, methodology - to 'deal' with the local problems of natives, ones that used to be solved in starkly differing ways prior to the British colonization!

    The concept of 'social imaginary' can also be used as a prism for analysis. The adoption of 'law', as a formal system, was yet to pervade the social imaginary at that time. Today, especially in urban areas, the concept of 'law' has gotten ingrained in our psyche; it is now a part of our global, local, and individual imaginary. The question that interests, and confounds, is when did this transition take place? And if it has indeed taken place, why do 'khap panchayats' in Haryana and other states reign over the formal institution of law? Can we really obliterate the Folkways and Mores present in our society? In fact, SHOULD we? How far can we take the concept of moral relativism? Has law helped, in any way, in objectifying the same? Some of these questions must be addressed while dealing with a concept which is a matrix of formal and informal sensitivities.

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  3. One can also argue that, it was the clear inability of the temple to arbitrate all those conflict that paved the way for Birtish involvement and eventually loosing its own autonomy. I should say that the psyche worked in a way that would hold the Britishers (through collectors) ability to arbitrate conflicts more 'efficient' than the temple itself. So, its not that law had fallen on people, but they had also preferred the same. Now, it's in the tendency of any culture to blend and reform itself with new methods which they think are the best, then. But how, where and when this happens is not something that can be precisely pointed out.

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