Any analysis within the domain of post colonial studies begins with the acknowledgement of the fact that a post colonial nation has elements of contemporary society in dynamic interaction with the vestiges of colonialism. Understanding the ‘peripheral’ post colonial society which through its ‘boundedness’ defines the Center, is a dialectical process of combining the existing stereotypes with deeper insights to form a coherent identity of one’s own. An exercise of identity formation of such a society is central to the post colonial reading of Appadurai’s book Worship and conflict under colonial rule and indeed has to be grounded in such reality.
However with several chapters dedicated to the minute details of temple management it is easy to miss the larger picture. Appadurai himself confesses that though the very title of the book suggests the relevance of colonialism as a discourse, it has been only implicitly addressed.
This post will look at a few aspects taken up by Appadurai in the book as evidence of these implicit themes. It is an attempt at elaborating upon these implicit themes and laying clear the functional structuralist coherence of this work. By which I mean, understanding the way this work behaves as a ‘functioning cultural and organizational whole’ both within the theme of Authority in sociological terms and a larger implication on identity formation instrumental to development in a post colonial nation.
Consider the theoretical framework itself. The book addresses the temple as a three dimensional unit: a sacred space for a ‘paradigmatic sovereign’, the deity; a ‘metasocial’ space where rituals, symbols are alive and the most salient aspect for the purposes of this study, the redistributive role or the actual day to day management of worship which involves a strong social structural basis. The cultural aspects (the first two dimensions) remain unchanged through the years while the social structure has evolved in response to British colonization, in keeping with Geertzian explanation of logico-meaningful interaction and casual functional integration.
Till date, people see meaning in engaging in temple worship but the colonial invasion has created tensions in the sphere of social structure. The temple is no longer fundamental to existence of the State as was the case during Kingship. However its role in the ‘protection’ of the deity was similar to the King’s role pre British. Juxtapose this function of the State with the role of judiciary in arbitration which brought in the radical notion of universalizing previously context specific or particularistic in the ‘ethnosociological sense’ conflicts.
These are the exogenous factors that were superimposed upon society. The British’ claim to authority rests on the protective mandate, in combination with bureaucratic structure, ideology of legislation and arbitration prevalent at the time. This is one ‘past’ or one party’s view of the past in this issue. The Tenkalai community’s claim to authority rests on an appeal to the golden years of pre British era and the constitutionalisation of their role during British period. This is fragmented too due to schisms within the Vaisnava sect. This constitutes another version of the same ‘past’.
Any conflict existent today cannot be resolved without the understanding of these contesting views of the past. It is through understanding these multiple ‘pasts’ that reconciliation according to contemporary climate is reached. This is a reflexive process where one engages in a dialectical process of synthesizing the impacts of colonial superimpositions and traditional structures to form a coherent framework.
In the meanwhile the reasons for people’s engagement in temple worship have also evolved with the myriad changes in society. The concept of temple honors during Kingship was no longer relevant in British time and in modern society, the existence of several institutions that offer opportunities of ‘honor’ and authority exist. However people engage with the temple on another level even in contemporary politics wherein their donations are seen as attempts at capturing the followings of the masses, essentially trying to share the ‘accessible’ sovereignty of the deity.
In addressing the question therefore, of how did colonialism affect the institution of authority in temples one is only addressing a part of the bigger question of its impact and interaction with the social structures prevalent at large. Treating colonialism as an overarching process, this study would be one of its components or a part of the process (in Victor Turner’s terms). While one can make extrapolations they would only remain nascent ideas. According to Appadurai, if there are studies of similar nature with different actors they would be the other components or parts which can then be compared to complete the processual analysis of colonialism. It is only with such closure of sorts will one be fulfilling the functional structuralist aim of this study too.
In the final analysis the divergent pasts constitute ‘winks upon winks upon winks’ to the contemporary conflicts. It is through a nuanced understanding of this that one can fully comprehend one’s own identity as a post colonial nation. The absence of this self consciousness makes one susceptible to clinical developmental discourses divorced from the complexity of reality.
This view is highly reminiscent of Spivak's theory: One cannot truly develop without understanding the consciousness of the West _too_. While our understanding of the various mechanisms that influenced the very social structure that our lives are based on would help in processing our own identity, the essence of this identity should be supplemented with an 'objective' perspective of the Western consciousness itself.
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